Part 1 · Definition
What Recall Actually Is
Recall is a process that lets voters remove and replace an elected official before their term is up, without needing to wait for the next scheduled election. It's a political device, not a legal one — which is the key thing that separates it from impeachment. Impeachment requires a state legislature to bring specific charges and act as judge and jury; recall, in most states, requires no charges at all — just enough voters willing to sign a petition and then vote the official out.
19 states allow recall of state officials, plus the District of Columbia. All but one (Montana, which relies on statute alone) write the right to recall directly into their state constitution. Virginia has a related but distinct process — a "recall trial" where a circuit court, not the voters, decides whether to remove an official after a citizen petition — so it isn't counted among the 19 true recall states.
19 + DCStates With Recall
1908First to Adopt (MI & OR)
2010Most Recent (Illinois)
The mechanism began at the local level in Los Angeles in 1903. Michigan and Oregon were the first states to extend it to state officials, in 1908. Minnesota followed in 1996, New Jersey in 1993, and Illinois — the most recent state to adopt it, and the only one limited strictly to recalling the governor — in 2010.
Part 2 · The Requirements
Every State's Requirements
Signature requirements are usually a percentage of the votes cast (or registered voters) for that office in the last election — not a flat number — so the bar rises and falls with turnout. Circulation time is how long petitioners have to actually gather those signatures once they're cleared to start.
State Recall Requirements
| State | Who Can Be Recalled | Signature Requirement | Circulation Time |
| Alaska | All elected officials except judges | 25% of votes cast for that office | Not specified |
| Arizona | Every elected or appointed public officer | 25% of votes cast for that office | 120 days |
| California | State officers, legislators, appellate judges, local officers | Statewide: 12% of last vote (incl. 1% from 5 counties) Legislators/judges: 20% of last vote | 160 days |
| Colorado | Every elective public officer | 25% of votes cast for that office | 60 days |
| Washington, DC | All elected officers except the congressional delegate | 10% of registered voters in the relevant ward/district | 180 days |
| Georgia | Every elective public official | Statewide: 15% of registered voters Other offices: 30% of registered voters | Statewide: 90 days Other: 45 days |
| Idaho | Every public officer except judges | 20% of registered voters for that office | 75 days |
| Illinois | Governor only | 15% of votes cast for governor (min. 100 signatures/25 counties), plus 20 House + 10 Senate members | 150 days |
| Kansas | All elected officials except judges | 40% of votes cast for that office | 90 days |
| Louisiana | Any state official except judges | 33.3%–40% of eligible voters (depending on area size) | 180 days |
| Michigan | All elective officers except judges | 25% of votes cast for governor in that district | 180 days (signatures expire after 60) |
| Minnesota | State executives, legislators, and most judges | 25% of votes cast for that office | 90 days |
| Montana | Any elected or appointed public officer | Statewide: 10% of eligible voters District/legislative: 15% | 3 months |
| Nevada | Every public officer except judges | 25% of votes cast for that office | 90 days |
| New Jersey | Any elected official, incl. U.S. Congress members | 25% of registered voters in that district | Governor/U.S. Senator: 320 days Others: 160 days |
| North Dakota | Any state or legislative-district official | 25% of votes cast for governor in that district | One year |
| Oregon | Every public officer | 15% of votes cast for governor in that district | 90 days |
| Rhode Island | Governor, lt. governor, secretary of state, treasurer, attorney general | 15% of votes cast for that office | 90 days |
| Washington | Every elective officer except judges | Statewide: 25% of votes cast All others: 35% of votes cast | Statewide: 270 days Other: 180 days |
| Wisconsin | Any state, judicial, congressional, or legislative official | 25% of votes cast for governor in that district | 60 days |
These figures summarize a detailed official reference and can change with legislation or litigation — always verify current requirements with your own state's election office before relying on them. Table condensed from the National Conference of State Legislatures.
Part 3 · Grounds Requirements
The 8 States Requiring Specific Grounds
In most recall states, any registered voter can start a recall campaign for essentially any reason — Michigan's constitution puts it plainly: "the sufficiency of any statement of reasons or grounds... shall be a political rather than a judicial question." But eight states — seven of the 19, plus Virginia's separate recall-trial process — require the petition to allege one of a specific, named set of reasons before it can even begin circulating.
- Alaska — lack of fitness, incompetence, neglect of duties, or corruption.
- Georgia — malfeasance, misconduct, violation of oath of office, failure to perform legal duties, or misuse of public funds/property.
- Kansas — felony conviction, misconduct in office, or failure to perform legally prescribed duties.
- Minnesota — serious malfeasance or nonfeasance in office, or conviction of a serious crime while in office.
- Montana — physical or mental unfitness, incompetence, violation of oath of office, official misconduct, or certain felony convictions.
- Rhode Island — indictment for a felony, misdemeanor conviction, or a finding of probable ethics-code violation by the state ethics commission.
- Washington — malfeasance, misfeasance, or violation of the oath of office.
- Virginia (recall trial, not election) — neglect of duty, misuse of office, or incompetence with material adverse effect, or a drug-related/hate-crime misdemeanor conviction.
Michigan sits in an interesting middle position: a 2012 law requires a recall petition to state its reasons "clearly and factually," but the reasons themselves don't have to meet any substantive bar — a voter can legally recall a legislator simply for how they voted on a bill, as long as the petition says so plainly.
Part 4 · Governors
Governor Recalls: The Full History
Despite 19 states allowing it, a gubernatorial recall has only ever reached an actual election four times in U.S. history — and only two of those four actually removed the governor from office.
4Governor Recall Elections, Ever
2Governors Actually Removed
- 1921 — North Dakota, Gov. Lynn J. Frazier: successfully recalled. The first and most sweeping governor recall in U.S. history — voters removed not just Frazier, but the state attorney general and the commissioner of agriculture in the same election.
- 1988 — Arizona, Gov. Evan Mecham: recall qualified, but never reached a vote. Enough signatures were submitted to trigger a recall election, but the state House impeached Mecham first, removing him before the scheduled recall could occur.
- 2003 — California, Gov. Gray Davis: successfully recalled. The best-known case — Davis was voted out and replaced by Arnold Schwarzenegger in the same election.
- 2012 — Wisconsin, Gov. Scott Walker: survived. Triggered by backlash over collective-bargaining restrictions for public employees; Walker kept his seat.
- 2021 — California, Gov. Gavin Newsom: survived. The most recent gubernatorial recall election in U.S. history.
Part 5 · Legislators
State Legislator Recalls: The Full History
Legislative recalls are more common than gubernatorial ones, but still genuinely rare given how many state legislators have served across more than a century of these laws being on the books. Enough signatures to force an actual recall election have been gathered just 40 times in U.S. history — and of those 40, only 21 succeeded in unseating the legislator, a 53% success rate once a recall actually reaches the ballot.
40Legislative Recall Elections, Ever
53%Success Rate Once on the Ballot
11Happened in 2011 Alone
That 2011 spike wasn't a coincidence — it was almost entirely Wisconsin, where a fight over collective-bargaining rights for public employees triggered nine state senate recall elections in a single year. Nearly half of every legislative recall election in U.S. history (43%) happened in just the three years from 2011 to 2013.
Legislative Recall Elections by State
| State | Legislative Recall Elections | Notable Detail |
| Wisconsin | 17 | By far the most of any state — the 2011–2012 Wisconsin labor recalls alone account for 13 of them. |
| California | 8 | Also the site of both a successful (2003) and an unsuccessful (2021) governor recall. |
| Michigan | 4 | Includes a 1983 recall of Sen. David Serotkin, who resigned before the results were even certified. |
| Oregon | 4 | Spans the widest timeframe of any state — 1935 to 2023. |
| Idaho | 2 | Both occurred in the same year, 1971. |
| Colorado | 2 | Both in 2013, both tied to a single gun-control vote. |
| Arizona | 1 | 2011 recall of state Senate President Russell Pearce — the only successful legislative recall of a sitting chamber leader in this list. |
| Washington | 1 | 1981 — survived. |
| Alaska, Georgia, Kansas, Louisiana, Minnesota, Montana, Nevada, New Jersey, Rhode Island | 0 | Have the legal mechanism, but no state-level recall has ever actually reached an election in these states. |
Counts reflect elections that actually occurred — meaning enough valid signatures were gathered to force a vote. Many more recall campaigns are started, and even many that clear signature review, without ever reaching this stage.
Part 6 · The Debate
The Case For and Against
The Case for Recall
Supporters argue it gives voters real, ongoing control over elected officials rather than a once-every-few-years check — an elected representative is an agent of their constituents, not a master who answers to no one until the next scheduled election. It's the same accountability logic behind term limits and open records, applied continuously instead of episodically.
The Case Against Recall
Critics counter that a constant recall threat can push officials toward short-term popularity over sound long-term governance, undermines the basic democratic bargain of electing someone and letting them actually govern for a full term, and — especially in states with no grounds requirement — can be used by well-funded interest groups as a second bite at an election they already lost.
Notice that the actual historical record cuts against both the loudest fears and the loudest hopes: recall is used constantly as a political threat, but it very rarely reaches an actual vote, and even when it does, the incumbent survives nearly half the time.
Where This Fits
Recall and Amen28: The Same Underlying Idea
Recall and Amen28 are both answers to the same basic problem: an elected official who has stopped answering to the people they serve, with no meaningful mechanism to intervene before the next scheduled election or the end of a term. Recall solves it by letting voters act directly, state by state, official by official. Amen28 proposes a different structural answer at the federal level — an elected, independent Chief Justice of the USA, built to check the executive branch's control over the DOJ, ethics offices, and federal auditing on an ongoing basis, not just once every four years.
Neither mechanism is a cure-all on its own, as the historical record above shows plainly. But both rest on the same premise: accountability that only shows up on election day isn't really accountability at all.
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